O Que é Fé? (Série Questões Cruciais Livro 8) (Portuguese Edition)
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Enoque Mas qual o motivo? Assim, como eles sabiam dos Evangelhos, dos ensiname ntos de Cristo, de como louvar, em que acreditar sobre a natureza de C risto, etc? II Tessalonicenses 2: A Fonte! Os escritos foram reunidos gradualmente, e colocados no livro que se tornou o Novo Testamento. Use simplesmente estas "pass agens claras" como chave, para destrancar o significado da "passagem obscura. Sistemas de pe nsamento Positivistas do qual o Empirismo faz parte buscar firmar seus egos em alguma base de conhecimento "certa.
Os Protestantes conservadores foram bem menos persistentes em suas tentativas racionalistas. D defendendo-as. Durante todo o tempo, os estudantes protestantes "liberais" e "conservadores" descreveram-se como cientistas "imparciais. Agora eles fazem mais parte da Igreja do quando estavam presentes em carne. Mas este trabalho foi feito pelos estudiosos protestantes? We see that several Camoes co-exist: the narrator of the voyage and the author of the poem, as well as Camoes the poet and the man.
Each one has different problems of expression to solve. What do The Lusiads relate? His voyage leads to the building 1. The Lusiads tell the story of a new foundation , as the outcome of a voyage. This is not all. Camoes intends, likewise , 2. All of them — sailors, warriors — are Portuguese 3. Through their navigations 3. Finally, the celebration of Portuguese merit has worldwide relevance: These words will go wherever there are men 2.
Foundation in general and this particular voyage 1. What is at stake is a re-foundation that reiterates other, previous foundations and re-foundations.
This was also the pro- ject of his supremely gifted progeny Joao re-founded the kingdom founded by Afonso Henriques — which had already been the object of several proto -foundations. These were the deeds of heroes, human Viriatus and Sertorius , epic Ulysses and mythic Lusus, son of Bacchus Everything related to this Portugal yet to be born is old legend — perhaps untrue. But it is certain that Portugal must exist. Foundation has created the unambiguous and continuous identity of the famous Portuguese 1. That which was founded is the identity of a community.
Portugal will remain forever identical to itself, reconquering itself whenever its identity is endangered. Since its inception Portuguese history unfolds the internal necessity of a providential mission , deviations and temporary feebleness notwithstanding. Christianity embodied in Portugal, will prove to be the destiny of the world. Foundation shall be renewed and extended into the future, thanks to a continuous process. He keeps to himself the role of narrator of the Voyage, with the exceptions I mentioned. Those speeches are delivered during, and from within, the expedition — the voyage draws history to itself.
Death and hazards and assaults 1. Sailors yield their flesh to the unknown dangers of the world I to ship- wreck, to fishes, to the abyss X. The voyage exposes oneself to novelty, i. History fulfills a mission, voyage opens to the unknown. These values will be joined by others, or shall multiply themselves in others: experience, desire, adventure, love, poetry itself. Such oppositions have a religious expression. Catholicism is univocal mythol- ogy is plural. Mythology guides the Voyage while the invisible hand of God sup- ports foundations and re-foundations.
However, the status of mythology and paganism in The Lusiads is far from simple: Catholicism has its representatives on Olympus, and one pagan god, Bacchus, remains Gamas unrepentant enemy. In addition, according to Tethys, in a famous stanza, pagan gods should, after all, prove to be a mere illusion or, rather, a poetical device X.
These ambiguities derive from constraints related to expression. The expression of poetry conflicts with the expression of ideology and politics. In fact, Camoes aims at rendering politics poetic, through the blends we shall encounter. Christ is the only god who manifests himself through signs and mira- cles; it is in His name that Idolaters and Moors are defeated.
This is the case, since, with the discovery of India, the future is located and decided overseas and no longer in Europe. Semantic and formal expression Having in mind the components of expression, how do Voyage and Foundation exhibit the need for expression , and how do they relate to form?
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Another subject of expression must be considered, Camoes the Author and Camoes the Poet too. Besides his initial and final addresses to the King, in Canto Seven Camoes intervenes twice, in the first person. In a well-known verse he presents himself as holding pen in one hand, a sword in the other VII. Indeed — however, the marriage of lyricism and empire appears to be hazardous. Likewise, from the fourth strophe of The Lusiads Camoes declares that his style should be grandiloquent and fluent.
Both Voyage and Catholic Imperial ideology search expression. Their respective sets of values, and the conciliation of both, are the primary seman- tic content of The Lusiads. The first is morpho-syntactic, the second narrative. We shall now see that Voyage and Foundation differ in their forms too. The consistency of these so different kinds of oppositions is, I think, quite remarkable by itself. The Lusiads express their combined effect. But fluency — which voyage is by definition — seems to be contrary to imperial grandeur, in every respect. I leave lexicon aside; obviously, the language of Voyage differs from that of Foundation.
As for morpho-syntactics, I restrict myself to the verbal gram- mar: persons, tenses, moods and aspects. Conquest and the execution of a divine mission, as well as adventure and love, express themselves through actions, and verbs express actions. Thus, we have: as regards Voyage, the first person, the present, the indicative and the imperfect mainly in the progres- sive form, the action that has begun and is not yet finished ; as regards Foundation, the third person, the preterite and the future, the past participle, and the perfect the action that is completely finished.
In what concerns the narrative structures, Voyage is expressed through scenes , tableaux , and Foundation through the above-mentioned speeches. Scenes are natural narrative correlatives of the progressive, the indicative and the present. Similarly, historical speeches appear to be the natural correlative of the preterite, the past participle and the perfect aspect.
It is not an easy task to bring past deeds to life, heroic and necessary as they may be, and render them poetic. Except for the lyrical episodes scattered over their rhetoric, Vasco and Paulo are by and large pompous. No immediate empathy follows from the imperial dream — and we can affirm it without ret- rospective illusions. They are the following: 1 How to express poetically the un- poetic nature of conquest?
They derive from two operations that, taken together, should bring forth Conciliation: 1 Induced effects of the verbal grammar of Voyage persons, tenses, aspects, moods on the verbal grammar of Foundation breath life into past history. Here, the active factor is formal.
However, such effects cannot but remain limited as they collide with the semantics of Foundation, whose values are unchanging and perennial. Divine and historical necessity would reabsorb the hazards of experience. However, this transformation rests exclusively on lexical means, as we shall see.
Thus, it cannot be effective. Form is missing, consistency ensues from sheer verbal violence. The co-adaptation of semantics and form is shallow; it amounts to no more than an effet de surface. Fortunately, though, the form and the semantics of Voyage are left untouched. Camoes misses the reconciliation he searches. Aspectually, the imperfect is the pro- gressive occurring in the past: They were midway on the wide ocean. Either past or present, the imperfect progressive is the aspect proper to the voyage. Some rare exceptions have their own justification.
Such action — the travel — is the narrative focus of the poem. Narrative structures amplify this feeling of reality. The Voyage consists of a series of tableaux vivants: of the present, the past and the future; of people, of animals of many sorts, landscapes, storms, shipwreck. Of conversations and intrigues, among men and gods. Of fear and hope, joy and despair; of comic boastfulness, sexual fever, abuse, cruelty. Of grace, too. His is not a mere song of praise. Truth is supposed to distinguish The Lusiads from its foreign counterparts.
Truth possesses many facets: actuality of past and future history, presentification of actions and things, testimony. The sailors represent the whole Portuguese community, contingency is thereby legit- imized: this trip embodies a mission. The semantics of truth — Portuguese, Imperial truth — ascertains the meaning of Voyage, whose syntactic values would, in return, actualize the past and attract the future to the present. This magnificent dialectic is the tar- get of the author of The Lusiads.
Its natural devices should be the perfect proper to accomplished actions , the preterite, the past principle and the irreality of the subjunctive mood in speeches about the future , and the third person, which conveys the impersonality of dead events. As regards narration, the discourse of Foundation expresses itself through four speeches. All of them are eulogies praising the merits of Portugal. Whereas we are presented with the scenes of Voyage, we listen to the evocations and prognostications of two pairs of speakers, the Gamas and Tethys and the Nymph. Both proceed through the laborious, not to say verbose re-activation of times and events gone by or through prophecies already fulfilled.
Induced syntactical self-evidence is not powerful enough to erase the strenuousness and artificiality of such procedures. Rather, it expresses surprise before what is absolutely new, terrifying as much as marvelous. Who are these people. What customs? What beliefs? Who is their king? Something different appears where nothing seemed to exist — and this is by itself fascinating. The unexpected shall remain its mode. The sights V. Camoes exhibits them in their naked and crude truth V.
Not only St. And so on. Sumatra is an example see X. In consequence Camoes may comment: O what an influence of signs and stars! And all without lying, plain truth V.
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Expression involves intensification and in poetry intensification becomes transfiguration. Poetic expression changes the status of things. Adventure and discovery are themselves poetic , not a sum of facts: there is no experientialism here, it is only for a small part, and the less interesting, that Camoes refers to reality and to the concepts that subsume reality. The hairs of his beard and the hair Falling from his head to his shoulders Were all one mass of mud, and visibly Had never been touched by a comb; Each dangling dreadlock was a cluster Of gleaming, blue-black mussels.
On his head, by way of coronet, he wore The biggest lobster-shell you ever saw. They are truer than perception because they convey the mythical truth of The Lusiads. Simple, matter of fact perception conceals prodigies. The famous water- spout is an instance of this intensification and transfiguration of reality. Something that is seen distinctly V. Fascinium becomes tremendum. A little vapour.
It appears to the sailors as a purple leech Then it disintegrates — and, sated and replete , it returned to the water the water it took 22 , as if the waterspout had in fact become a leech, and water blood. In the same hallucinatory vein, the Island of Love displaces itself parallel to the fleet. Macedo pointed out that it remains invisible until the fleet sees it: it is at this moment that Venus immobilizes the Island. A complex and ambiguous relation links Adamastor to the Island of Love.
And Adamastor became a rock owing to an hallucination of his own V. Love is lived as hallucinated reality, in a literal sense. Semantics of Foundation The action of Voyage on Foundation has no formal counter-effects. Except for two or three exceptions, Voyage is never told in the perfect, in the past, or in the third person.
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The primacy of Foundation is semantical. Camoes aims at insufflating poetic expres- sivity into history and at giving a political-religious significance to seafaring and discovery. History would thereby acquire the self-evidence of poetry — and poetry would be validated. The semantics of Voyage resists the will to power of the Portuguese. The set community-identity-necessity' Catholicism re-elaborates the set expedition-difference-possibility and contin- gency-paganism. A new expression of the Voyage would obtain. In this light, i the navigators represent the whole Portuguese commu- nity, the expedition functions as its delegation, ii The identity of the com- munity is preserved within difference which is a category belonging to Voyage : identity takes the form of continuity.
Vagrancy is redeemed by the constancy of a project. They will be expanded, thanks to complete discovery of the East, and of Brazil to the West. Even if the series is not yet finished see V. Anticipation of action supervenes in the person who will enforce it. Necessity submits contingency in two manners, at least, iv Foundation transmits to Voyage its inaugural character. It is always for the first time that things happen, be it the contemplation of southern heavens, the revelation of new seas, the discovery of stupendous prodigies.
In other words, discoveries are presented as an invention of reality. Vasco must found the New Kingdom 1. Mars, god of war, is on the side of the Portuguese 1. Since the beginning of the poem the reader knows that Jove ordered their victory 1. Success of the expedition is but the first stage of the defeat of the Moslems and of pagan gods.
Unlike the semantics of Voyage, the semantics of Foundation is not a nat- ural one. Expression The semantics of Foundation is un-natural. This means that the providential mission of Gama and of the Portuguese is unable to attain a mode of expres- sion equivalent, in one way or another, to the self-evidence of Voyage. Everything the Voyage presents, as it progresses, is undeniable truth, it belongs to the daily experience of the navigators. That is to say, the syntax of Voyage assembles four independent factors of self-evidence: each one con- tributes to the self-evidence of subjective experience.
The same applies to the episodes, which form the narrative structure. As remarked above, the unfold- ing of a scene is the counterpart of syntactical self-evidence. Thus, both semantics the wonders of discovery and form morphology and narration appear to be an adequate expression of Voyage. Semantics and form cohere too, they require each other. Therefore, the formal structures lead to , and fit , the semantics of Voyage. En passant , voyage is an apt metaphor for life because they both have the same linguistic basis.
On the contrary, Foundation does not conduce to self-evidence of any kind — neither that of experience, nor that of form. The identity and the communality of a country, and its necessary, imperial and Catholic destiny, do not correspond to any natural given. In con- sequence, only the Portuguese, and not all of them remember the departure from Lisbon , will recognize themselves in it. But this is also a hallmark of failure. Conciliation of Foundation to Voyage does not achieve satisfactory expression.
The syntax of Voyage acts upon Foundation. Its effect of re-actualization is limited, though: it does not correspond to the status of the past irrecover- able loss and it contradicts its semantics. Vagrancy does not mix well with imperial destiny. As for narration , the resurrection of history remains for a large part artificial: the syntactical operation is not entirely accomplished.
The re-actualization effect only succeeds well — exceedingly well — as regards lyrical episodes , for instance the story of Pedro and Ines — and as regards every- thing that concerns human existence in general. Semantical operations are less felicitous still. The taking over of Voyage by Foundation is conceptual , it does not follow from procedures similar to the effects Voyage attempts to induce on Foundation. It consists in an applica- tion of Catholic and imperial values from outside, so to say — resulting in mere overload of meaning.
Taking over does not embody human expecta- tions, therefore it cannot generate transfigurations. Fiowever, this does not happen in The Lusiads. It is not required by the epic code, either. Conciliation does not manage to find its form , the need for expres- sion and the need for form do not co-adapt, ideology does not become poetry. Camoes the narrator does not express himself more gracefully for instance, VII. They relate to the opposition between paganism and Catholicism, between poetry and power.
To put it in a nutshell.
Three Portuguese in Marrakesh, 1581
Jove and Venus protect the Portuguese of whom Bacchus is the enemy. Intrigues in Olympus run parallel to action, all along Gamas journey. But Portugal has celebrated a covenant with the Christian God, not with Jove. How to reconcile polytheism with monotheism? Paganism would only be a poetical operator. However, this way out is far from satisfactory. If the goal of Voyage is to restore Portugal to his divine mission, and if Voyage is under the aegis of Olympus, then the Portuguese God requires pagan gods, poetically as much as politically. Furthermore, Bacchus is definitely legitimized insofar as the Moor does not submit to the Portuguese.
Vasco does all he can to form an alliance with the Samorin VII. As a consequence, Bacchus ceases to be a fiction.
He cannot be a bare stylistic device because the Moor, not entitled to exist de iure , resists de facto. And, through Bacchus, it is the whole pagan pantheon that The Lusiads rehabilitates. Concepts such as ostension, the progressive, the indicative, etc. My study is analysed on pp. This is an answer to a question put by Professor Helen Vendler. Alves Abstract. A post-imperial approach to Camoes cannot ignore the figure of Bacchus.
Given that context, one ought to denounce the politics of criticism apparently sustained by reliable philological practice and show how they silence or put aside a presence that, also through philology, cannot but dominate the meaning of Os Lusiadas. Baco [ Bowras classic study, From Virgil to Milton. However, by choosing to work on the Adamastor episode as an axis that makes other themes in the poem converge towards it the Veloso anecdote, the sea-storm, the sea-nymphs etc. It is, therefore, the East itself, the oriental shores visited by Vasco da Gama and others in Africa and Asia, that is characteristically vain, cunning and chaotic, while the West, of which the Portuguese are the first imperial representatives, will speak for the opposite virtues.
In other words, Western imperialism is equated with harmony, order, civilization, all-embracing Good. Hernani Cidade, writing in — three years after the Exposigao do Mundo Portugues which represented the apex of the Portuguese brand of fas- cism in terms of cultural policy and artistic achievement — declares in his A Literatura Portuguesa e a Expansao Ultramarina that Bacchus is a personifica- tion of hostile Nature and of local and private economic and political inter- ests The keyword here is ecumenismo : according to Cidade, Camoes is the voice of the union between Church and State in the expansion of civilization among all domains and races.
The latter is exactly the view propounded explicitly by historian Jorge Borges de Macedo in an essay published in for the fourth centenary of the publication of Os Lusiadas. In this context, Camoes would have chosen that god as enemy of the Portuguese, because he had been the one the Arabs had adored. This is, of course, typical of Ideology leading the way for its handmaiden Philology. Nao se tem privado de o fazer e continuara.
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Escamotear esta evidencia e absurdo. Um vento de Liberdade nao poh'tica, como nos a entendemos , mas cultural, sensfvel, trans- gressiva, lambe as paginas do Canto [ Sublimated erotic love, with a reminder of its supposedly transgressive con- tent, is fostered as the anchor whereby Os Lusiadas can still be a great poem for the political left. Unsurprisingly, Bacchus has no room of his own in the scheme of things proposed by these critics. At the most, he represents the degradation of such love, 10 a degradation that somehow goes so far as to turn him into a child-devouring ogre.
Now, Saraiva tried to demonstrate that the epic has nothing to do with the intimate thoughts of its author, that the politics of the poem is not the politics purported by Camoes the person. In his opinion, the Portuguese epic follows a deliberate authorial aesthetic effort at objective timelessness , an effort that, though not completely successful because the historical, empirical, Camoes emerges once in a while , allows it to remain ever impervious to the concerns of its and our times.
The militant rhetoric the epic exposes in favour of war against Islam, for instance, is considered part of the objectivity supposedly inherent to the genre as Camoes understood it: Quanto a cruzada, quer Camoes estivesse de acordo com ela, quer nao, era o este- reotipo por excelencia e nao podia faltar [ Bacchus is a good instance of this. In the end, as in the imperialist conservative position , the marginalization or absence of Bacchus has become convenient to the liberal opposition.
Besides, Bacchus has clearly been much underrated as a character and symbol in Os Lusiadas. It is far from enough to notice how the god is the moving force behind the story-line, although a lot of the critical work I have mentioned so far seems reluctant to arrive even at this obvious point. Some attention to what Camoes effectively wrote and to the intertexts with which he, in all likelihood, involved himself, should be able to afford a post-imperial, if not postcolonial, perspective on his epic, an approach philologically engaged in understanding and confronting the unde- niably central political motivations of such a text as Os Lusiadas.
It is certain that Camoes found in Os Lusiadas echoes of other titles, namely of the Iliad and the Aeneid, proper to the suggestion of the classic epic genre. However, this fine-wrought word, as it repeats a humanist Latin neologism identifying the Portuguese, enters fully and deliberately within the dyonisiac realm. What is perhaps most relevant, though, is that this fact places Camoes in an extremely unorthodox position as author of epic poetry: as far as I know, there was no epic precedent in having the heroes being thouroughly antagonized in the main narrative by their own father.
By comparison, other interesting readings of the title made so far, including those based especially on its Lufs Franco manuscript form Elusiadas , seem merely speculative. In the power tactics the poet applies to the relationship between Bacchus and the heroes, deceit is contextualized posi- tively as an indispensable and unavoidable resource of every good leader struggling, as is the case, against all odds. Finally, one should also reevaluate the virtually unchallenged present notion that Bacchus is effectively defeated in Os Lusiadas. True triumph in the epic means lead- ing the enemy to accept fate and the project of the hero.
It is so in Homer and Virgil, whose avenging gods are the indubitable epic models for Bacchus. It is not so in Camoes. But as he does so, the god ofi freedom is also showing why the heroic pro- ject as imperially designed must end in some sort of failure. And how could it be otherwise, since the future beyond the poem, as Camoes slyly seems to be predicting, will have Acteon devoured by his dogs just before Bacchus sounds his hoarse cry of triumph?
A passage on p. It could be argued, perhaps, that this paper is also a rewriting of those two essays. In either case, the ideological dominant is obvious, although perhaps not con- sciously intentional. The passages quoted are from pages of the latter edition. This statement, from page , is a recent one, but it summarizes the authors views ever since his Camoes e a Viagem Inicidtica. Ramalho, especially Ancient sources, like Hesiod Catalogue of Women, frag. There is even one instance of explicit denial that a strong possibility of kingly and national punishment is encoded in the reference to Acteon, in spite of the fact that both Renaissance allego resis and the Portuguese epic text do suggest that possibility: see Aguiar e Silva Camoes: Labirintos e Fasdnios.
Lisbon: Cotovia, Alves, Helio J. Bowra, C. From Virgil to Milton. London: Macmillan, Brandao, Fiama Hasse Pais. O Labirinto Camoniano e Outros Labirintos. Lisbon: Teorema, Cidade, Hernani. A Literatura Portuguesa e a Expansao Ultramarina. As ideias. Os sentimentos.
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Lisbon: Guimaraes Editores, Merquior, Jose Guilherme. Razao do Poema. Ensaios de Critica e de Estetica. As Ideias e as Formas. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, Pimpao, Alvaro Julio da Costa. Luis de Camoes. Os Lusiadas. Quint, David. Epic and Empire. Politics and generic form from Virgil to Milton. Princeton: Princeton UP, Ramalho, Americo da Costa.
Coimbra: Livraria Almedina, Saraiva, Antonio Jose. Ponta Delgada: Universidade dos Azores, Sinfield, Alan. Cultural Materialism and the Politics of Dissident Reading. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Alves is Assistant Professor at the Universidade de Evora. Email: halves evunix. This article advances arguments about the metaphoric presence of Africa primarily in the ideology of Os Lusiadas the episode of Adamastor and secondarily in the chronicles of Gomes Eanes de Zurara. It proposes that Adamastor is a figure of Renaissance melancholy in both somatic and prophetic terms and, as such, represents a melding of interior and exterior forms of consciousness or knowledge.
Zuraras chronicles establish Africa as a primordial space of imperialism and its attendant historiographic discourse under the sign of Saturn, planet of time and melancholics. Os Lusiadas contains at its core a terrifying eruption of monstrosity. I invoke the episode of Adamastor as the entrance into some postulations of a more general nature about the metaphorics of Africa and its inhabitant, the Moor, in the Camonian imaginary and ideology of expansionism.
Africa figures prominently in the map of Os Lusiadas , both as a geographical space in which expansionist action occurs recall that it takes Vasco da Gama and his company five cantos to leave its borders and as a temporal landscape in which the Portuguese imperial past, present, and future converge and in which the historiographic discursivity of maritime Portugal is primordially and emblematically located. More recently, the problem of Adamastor and Africa has allowed exegesis of the text to participate in broader scholarly discussions, for instance, about Renaissance epic poetry, the politics of national identity and identity formation, the genre of shipwreck narrative, or the voice and pres- ence of Lusophone Africa in a post-imperial world.
The formal staging of an episode of anguished interiority — one which contrasts with the putatively external, militaristic, and legislated actions of discovery and conquest — fashions Adamastor as a component of what could be termed the psychomachia of expansion, an interior and interiorizing journey through time, memory, desire, and love that is as pervasive and regular in the Camonian understanding of maritime empire as any series of stratagems relating to conquista.
Love structures the poem not solely as a general, affective disposition expressed through an individualized subject the kind of love scholars typically find in the Rimas but more importantly as a relational discourse particularly suited to the power dynamics of imperi- alism and expansion. Greene removes love or amatory discourse from the realm of the purely sentimental and establishes it as a governing conceit through which the more public actions of imperial encounter may be shaped and narrated.
Adamastor boasts traits that evoke prevailing ideas in Renaissance Europe about the nature of melancholy and the melancholic. As an earthen or telluric figure, Adamastor represents a melancholic sorrow occasioned by loss — in his case, his loss of the nymph Thetis — as symbolized in landscape. But it also establishes a continuity or similarity between Adamastor and his Portuguese interlocutors that is largely based on a reckoning with the past and the struggle to overcome a melancholic incli- nation, an inclination that, if realized, produces a stasis of spirit and hence a diminished moral rectitude.
It is precisely this temporal dimension of melancholy that Camoes exploits in Adamastor, situated as he is on a nodal point of his- tory. A estranheza, o estranho, estranhamente. Africa is a primary locus of European expansion. The Portuguese textual preoccupation with Africa is one of the founding discourses of European imperialism. The chronicles of the first half of the fifteenth century establish a series of codes of writing about the colonial other that will be renewed and expanded by figures such as Columbus and later imperialists.
The complex- ities of this body of writing have much to offer contemporary discussions and theorizations of imperialism, including the influential formulations of thinkers like Tzvetan Todorov and Edward Said. Central to this discourse is the figure of the Moor. In Camoes, and in the work of his historiographic predecessors, especially the chronicles of Gomes Eanes de Zurara, the Moor is the sign of the strange and indexes the emergence of a new culture of his- tory-writing attending the Portuguese exploration and colonization of Africa. A Moor is the symbolic or figural representation of a process of negotiating strange and alien landscapes geographic, perceptual, discursive , of adjusting epistemo- logical systems to accommodate such landscapes, and of historicizing this process narratively.
The Portuguese expansionist Moor emerges at the investi- ture of historical awareness into the space of Africa — an awareness, of course, that is European rather than indigenous, and of an imperialist bent. It was Zurara, the chronicler appointed cronista-mor as successor to Fernao Lopes, who first fashioned Africa and the Moor as part of a teleology of expansionism in historiographic discourse. Henrique work their way down the west coast past Cape Bojador, for centuries one of the end-points of European cartographic knowledge.
This foundational myth, for Biblical wanderers the beginning of genealogical descent, is, for Zurara, also a beginning, but now one of an evolving provi- dential mandate which locates in Africa the dawn of the imperial nagao. In another chronicle, the Cronica de D. Yet Saturn is also the planet of melancholics. Zurara implicitly aligns the nature of historiography to the planet of melancholy — history- writing is a saturnine activity — in an African context. For Zurara, Africa gives birth to chronistic discourse as it now will be practiced in the age of expansion, and does so under the sign of Saturn.
Melancholy and writing merge at least notionally and construe expansionist, historiographic productivity which will include Os Lusiadas , profoundly historiographic in nature as a narrativity allowing for a consciousness of states of alterity and strangeness. While Mbembe works in the con- temporary sphere, his comment nonetheless characterizes the discursive cul- ture of early modern Portuguese imperialism. Africa emerges in Camoes as an interiorized space in which the writing subject metaphorically constitutes and expresses itself. For a wide-ranging study of genial melancholy, see Schleiner.
Loeb Classical Library Cambridge: Harvard UP, Banks, Jared. Baucom, Ian. Blackmore, Josiah. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, Emanuel Paulo Ramos. Porto: Porto Editora, n. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, Eduarte [i. Leal Conselheiro. Joseph M. Lisbon: Bertrand, Earle, T. Figueiredo, Joao R. Greene, Roland. Chicago: U of Chicago P, New York: Basic Books, Lipking, Lawrence. Lourengo, Eduardo. Portugal como Destino, seguido de Mitologia da Saudade. Lisbon: Gradiva, Lyons, Bridget Gellert. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Mbembe, Achille. On the Postcolony.
Berkeley: U of California P, 1. Said, Edward. New York: Vintage, Schiesari, Juliana. Ithaca: Cornell UP, Schleiner, Winfried. Melancholy, Genius, and Utopia in the Renaissance. Wiesbaden: In Kommission bei Otto Harrassowitz, Silva, Vi'tor Manuel de Aguiar e. Stewart, Susan. Durham: Duke UP, Todorov, Tzvetan. Richard Howard. Zurara, Gomes Eanes de. Cronica de D. Pedro de Meneses. Maria Teresa Brocardo.
Joao I. Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira. Lisbon: Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa, His research interests center on the history of sex- uality and gender in the Iberian Middle Ages and Renaissance, the cantigas de escarnio e mal dizer, and on the textual productivity of expansionist Portugal. He is currently writing a book on the idea of Africa in Camoes and in historiographic texts of Portuguese imperialism. Aquela famosa ladainha de D. Esta falta de legitimidade nao era um obice para aqueles que no Oriente conheceram um outro imperio que nao precisava de legitimidade europeia para se deslumbrar com o seu esplendor precario.
Precario mas ainda vivo para rivalizar la longe com outros potentados mais ricos do que nos, mas sem armas tao modernas como entao eram as nossas. Nas mensagens de Albuquerque aos senhores da Asia, nas missivas dos nossos embaixadores em cortes do Oriente dignas de romances de cavalaria, nas falas de D. Joao de Castro, e que nos fomos esse imperio que nao tmhamos direito a ser.
Three Portuguese in Marrakesh, in: The Marrakesh Dialogues
Tecnicamente, a sua opiniao tern razao de ser. Ou entao, Os Lusiadas , como o pensou em tempo Antonio Jose Saraiva, teriam ficado apenas como o exemplo do poema artificial requerido pela poetica renascentista, sem nenhuma emo- 9S0 ou transcendencia historica, em suma, sem nenhuma dimensao que entao ainda hoje como Cesares dele pudessemos chamar imperial. A parte Joao de Barros que por romance de cavalaria entreposto ja estava vocacionado para conceber como imperial a nossa gesta no Oriente ninguem como Camoes ao rnvel do imaginario, claro esta, viveu como imperial ou digna de Imperio uma historia patria que teve na India o seu centro como a mftica da Europa medieval — a de Clarimundo — o tinha tido em Constantinopla.
E era de Constantinopla, entao ja nas maos dos turcos, que a India nos compensava e compensava a Europa na Contra-Reforma. Ao menos em vida de Camoes. A esse tftulo tambem Os Lusiadas sao um paradoxal poema contra-reformista, cristao na ordem ideologica e poh'tica sob esse signo, renascentista na ordem cultural, consciente ou inconscientemente encharcado dos perfumes nao so da Arabia mas de Chipre e da sua famosa deusa. Do texto por excelencia imperial vive a cultura portuguesa e, literaria- mente, exceptuando o eclipse pseudo-iluminista de Macedo, vive muito bem.
Que qualquer coisa mais dolorosa que Alcacer-Quibir nao deixasse nao apenas diminufdos em termos de polftica, da dimensao historica com outrora, mas orfaos daquilo que gramas aos Lusiadas , mesmo ancorado ao longe, nos dava a impressao de estar para sempre no mapa do mundo, na memoria Ocidental e sobretudo na nossa como um navio que nao pode afundar-se. Em suma, que, sem Imperio ficarfamos nus como antes de o ter.
Na verdade, enquanto camoniano, enquanto memoria e texto, o Imperio nao podia ser perdido, so se perdessemos ao mesmo tempo o texto que guarda essa memoria e a renova. Depois de Abril houve um momento em que para suportar a nossa nova existencia sem dimensao imperial - mesmo factfcia ou fictfcia - muitos pensaram que se devia deixar ao tempo o que o tempo tao cruamente des- mentia.
Que o nosso sonho imperial era a raiz e a causa do ultimo desastre. E era. A nossa ultima veleidade imperial por conta de um imperio sem futuro fizera-se ainda com estrofes lembradas da historia paradigmatica do Oriente. Assim foi feito. Era mais facil ajustar contas com a nossa ma leitura de nos mesmos de que Camoes seria o maximo culpado, do que conosco mesmos como historia, vida presente, desafio futuro e do futuro.
O eclipse do discurso camoniano durou pouco e no pouco que durou so para alguns essa estrategia de desiludidos da Historia teve alguma serventia. Nem a duvidosa subtileza de substituir o texto realista e crftico da Peregrinagao ao texto onfrico e sublimado de Os Lusiadas sentiu qualquer efeito, sal fatal de continuarmos navegando nas mesmas aguas imperiais, decididamente inesgotaveis, por conta propria de aventureiros sem muita lei nem rei, em vez da heraldica Fe e Imperio. Como se nunca o tivessemos tido. Sem sequer um olhar melancolico como o do Rei Boabdil abandonando Granada. E muito menos com remorso ou panico como as Filhas de Lot sem se voltar para o passado.
Alguns de nos sabfamos que as partes do Oriente e as partes de Africa, que tao pouco melodramaticamente Helder Macedo evocaria a tftulo postumo e intemporal, continuariam no papel e no sftio onde estiveram quando elas pareciam nossas e, sobretudo, nos delas. Sao o nosso unico Quinto Imperio. Publicou Heterodoxia 7 e Pessoa Revisitado ; o seu ultimo livro e o primeiro em ingles surgiu recentemente, Chaos and Splendor and Other Essays The doctrine of Lusotropicalism, formulated by the Brazilian sociologist and anthropologist Gilberto Freyre, was arguably the most influential of twenti- eth-century discourses buttressing and legitimizing the continuing survival of the Portuguese colonial empire.
This inherently bicul- tural and consequently xenophilic spirit of the nation would literally become flesh through the generalized and generally accepted practice of miscegena- tion, touted by Freyre as the defining aspect of Portuguese colonial expansion and the foundation of its unique historical destiny. The kinder, gentler nature of Portuguese colonialism manifested itself most symptomatically, according to Freyre, through a preponderance of allegedly reciprocal claims of love and desire over unilateral demands of domination and servitude.
Less than a decade later, the Lusotropicalist doctrine received its defini- tive form with the publication of O Luso e o Tropico , a volume whose edition was sponsored by the Portuguese government and which appeared simulta- neously in Portuguese, French and English as The Portuguese and the Tropics. It needs to be acknowledged, however, that in spite of coming from a lineage of Camoes aficionados — as he reports, both his grandfather and his father were able to recite The Lusiads from memory almost in its entirety.
Aventura e rotina In other words, Lusotropicalism begins on the Isle of Love. What matters here is that the sixteenth-century literary fiction of the Isle of Love and the twenti- eth-century pseudo-scientific doctrine of Lusotropicalism are linked by a steady stream of discourses focused on the articulation of national identity, in which the innate tendency of Portuguese men toward sexual hybris emerges as a leading factor in the construction and preservation of the empire, as well POST-IMPERIAL CAMOES as a significant moral justification of Portuguese imperial claims.
In this context, the relationship, postulated by Freyre himself, between representations of sexuality in The Lusiads and the sexual foundations of Lusotropicalism emerges as anything but arbitrary. The Isle of Love episode of The Lusiads occupies a considerable portion — altogether, stanzas — of the last two cantos of the poem.
Afterwards, there is plenty of fine wining, dining and musical entertainment, which segues into a lengthy expose of future military exploits awaiting the Portuguese in the Orient, always to be followed, for successive generations of heroic con- querors, by a restorative sojourn on the Isle of Love X, Finally, a second vision of the empire to come, framed by the Ptolemaic model of the universe, is revealed to Gama by his own mythical consort, the sea goddess Tethys.
Others, such as Vftor Manuel Aguiar e Silva, castigated those referentially minded readers for their naivete, insisting on a purely or predominantly allegorical interpre- tation of the sequence. It is only if we read The Lusiads religiously — not as a sacred text per se, but as a text that sends transcen- dent messages to the faithful — that we must struggle to accommodate or bypass, or deny the direct and literal appeal of its pornographic sequences.
There is, however, an alternative way of reading this disclaimer without, at the same time, accepting what it seems to impose on the reader, a whole- sale dismissal of the pagan sexual fantasy as a mere disguise of the true pur- pose of the poem. Furthermore, such a reading creates a context in which the rather abrupt transition from sex to marriage in stanza 84, however awkward from the point of view of composition, figures as a necessary next step — and one better taken as fast as possible — in the development of the sequence. It is not enough for Sebastian to simply start chasing women, spurned on by the pornographic appeal of the Isle of Love, since it is only through matri- mony and the production of legitimate offspring that he can fulfill his royal mission of preserving and extending the Portuguese kingdom.
As a metaphorically transfigured representation of encounter and its consequences, the Isle of Love may lack the forceful intelligibility that the Adamastor episode has acquired for postcolonial critics; but what it lacks in relative transparency, it more than makes up for in its exuberant and equiv- ocal complexity. In the former register, nearly all exchanges, collisions and alliances occur between men, and men only with one significant exception, to which I will return.
The two episodes function therefore as intimately inter- dependent facets of a foundational romance that anticipates and prefigures the centuries-long imperial marriage between the Portuguese and the tropics. As Freyre hastens to add, Nao tem deixado de haver drama, conflito, dor, angustia, sofrimento em tais encontros. Mas raramente lhes tem faltado amor: amor de homem a mulher de cor e amor de homem a terra quente, para amortecer, dulcificar asperezas, em choques de interesses que a pura conveniencia, mesmo quando mutua, dificil- mente evita ou sequer amacia, nas relates entre grupos humanos, nisto parecidas com as relates entre indivfduos.
In the fantasy of conquest staged on the Isle of Love, even the greatest loser — Leonardo — gets the girl, and with her an equal share of the spoils since the nymphs are all equally desirable, all incomparably beautiful. As a utopian alternative to Adamastor, the Isle of Love does not, however, altogether sup- press the signs of what it must exclude in order to salvage the plausibility of its scenario. It reinforces the contrastive link- age between the two episodes and it surrounds the island with shadows of its other epic antecedents: the Homeric islands of Circe and Calypso and the island of Lemnos in Argonautica , all spaces of amorous encounter between questing navigators and island-bound women.
Then there are newer, more unorthodox appropriations, such as the composition on the theme of the Isle of Love, written by Gina Martins, a Portuguese high school student from Tavira, and posted on a web site sponsored by the Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Camoes: Labirintos e Fascinios. Lisboa: Cotovia, Almeida, Miguel Vale de. Um Mar da Cor da Terra. Raga, Cultura e Polltica da Identidade. Oeiras: Celta, Brodie, Fawn M. New York: Norton, Burton, Richard F. Camoens: His Life and His Lusiads. London: Bernard Quaritch, Porto: Porto Editora, Castelo, Claudia.
Porto: Afrontamento, Dias, Jorge. Freyre, Gilberto. Aventura e Rotina. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio, Um Brasileiro em Terras Portuguesas. Lisboa: Livros do Brasil, n. Camoes: Vocagao de Antropologo Moderno? O Luso e o Tropico. Henrique, Casa-Grande e Senzala. Rio de Janeiro: Record, The Portuguese and the Tropics. Helen M. Matthew and F.
Giamatti, A. The Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance Epic. Lisboa: Joao Sa da Costa, Jimenez-Sandoval, Saul. Link-Heer, Ulla. Gilberto Freyre le Camoes. Joana Guimaraes. Luso-tropicalismo: uma Teoria Social em Questao. Lisboa: Vega, Marcus, Steven. The Other Victorians. Martins, Gina. The Presence of Camoes. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, Saramago, Jose.
A Jangada de Pedra. Lisboa: Caminho, Paris: Firmin Didot, Among her current projects is a collection of essays to be co-edited with Mark Sabine entitled Embodying Pessoa: Corporeality, Gender, Sexuality. Email: aklobucka umassd. Published in by the Hispanic Society of America and still in print , his version remains the only American translation of the Portuguese epic to date. Bacon also gave lectures on the subject of Camoes at Harvard in and Berkeley in , reviewed J.
Of course he spoke to a specialized audience: the readership of Hispania , the jour- nal published by the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese. Immediately upon its appearance the Harvard University scholar J. Leonard Bacon was born in town of Solvay, New York, near the city of Syracuse, but when he was eight years old family moved, in keep- ing with its New England roots, to Peace Dale, Rhode Island. His paternal grandfather, also named Leonard, had been a famous clergyman in New Haven, Connecticut. His mother was the granddaughter of Rowland G. Hazard, who achieved a modicum of fame as a philosopher.
His great aunt was Delia Bacon, the vociferous champion of the theory that brands Bacon was the actual author of the poetry and plays attributed to William Shakespeare. Developing his early bent for writing, Leonard Bacon served as co-editor of the Yale Literary Magazine while in college. In he went to the University of California to teach English.